The Tax Foundation's mission is to educate taxpayers about sound tax policy and the size of the tax burden borne by Americans at all levels of government. And it's nice to see that bloggers are paying attention to the Tax Foundation's work at all levels of government.
On federal tax issues ...
- The Urbanophile, a blog about urban affairs in Midwestern cities, uses Tax Foundation studies on "nonpayers" into the federal income tax system to make the point that "the burdens of society must broadly be shared" and that folks should be concerned "about the class warfare rhetoric being used to demonize the 'top 2%' or whomever, as well as tax policies that are again separating America into a two-tier society: those who pay taxes and those who collect benefits."
- FisCons.com cites a recent blog post from Staff Economist Josh Barro on Congressman Louie Gohmert's (R-TX 1) proposal for a two-month temporary tax holiday, saying that "Gohmert’s plan may be well-intentioned, but bad policy" and "will do little to stimulate the economy."
On state tax issues ...
- Justin Katz of the Anchor Rising blog in Rhode Island features and analyzes the Ocean State's rankings our State-Local Tax Burden Study.
- Kelly Erb, the editor of the Taxgirl blog, uses the State-Local Tax Burden Study to create a primer on Arizona's taxes.
- Adam Pagnucco of Maryland Politics Watch gives mention to the State Business Tax Climate Index and the state's slide from 24th in 2008 to 45th in 2009, bemoaning that "if in addition the state is perceived as unable to finance its transportation infrastructure, it will risk being perceived as a radioactive place for locating jobs."
My colleague Joe notes below a proposal by Texas Rep. Louie Gohmert to suspend personal income and payroll tax collections for two months in 2009, as an alternative "use" for approximately $350 billion in bailout funds that are as yet unallocated. Let's set aside the merits of temporary tax suspensions in general. I'll note that they violate one of the Tax Foundation's five principles of sound tax policy—stability—and leave it at that.
A key problem with this proposal and its counterparts on the left (see, for example, The Progressive's $700 billion wish list for new government spending) is that they conflate buying $x worth of assets with spending $x on programs, or foregoing $x in tax revenues. Because TARP (the bailout program) is not really $700 billion of spending, an alternative plan of the same size that funds more government programs or gives new tax cuts would blow a much bigger hole in the federal budget than TARP does.
So far, the Treasury has used about $350 billion of the $700 billion in funds available through TARP, principally to purchase preferred stock in large banks. The preferred stock is an asset with real value—the banks pay an annual rate of interest to the government, and the government can sell the preferred stock to other investors. So, when the government buys $350 billion worth of preferred stock in banks, it's not spending the money; it's investing it.
Of course, these might be bad investments. The preferred stock may be worth less than the government is paying for it, if the dividend is below market. And if one of the banks the government invested in fails, it would likely lose part of all of its investment in that bank. However, the cost to taxpayers here is the difference between what the government pays for its investments and what they're worth—a fraction of the total bailout amount, except in the unlikely event that all the investments are worth $0 (i.e., all banks fail).
On the other hand, new tax cuts or new spending programs represent an actual current cost to the federal treasury in their full amounts. If the government spends $350 billion more on health care programs, or gives $350 billion in new tax cuts, it must either cut spending elsewhere or raise that money from taxpayers today (with current tax increases) or tomorrow (with debt issuance followed by higher taxes in future years). Suspending personal income and payroll taxes for two months would cost the federal government about $330 billion, in Gohmert's estimation; using that money to buy more preferred stock would cost only the amount by which the government overpays, almost surely much less than $330 billion.
RedState has the scoop about the proposal:
Gohmert’s tax holiday plan is elegant in its simplicity: every American taxpayer would pay no federal income or FICA taxes for the first two months of 2009. For the typical American family -- earning about $50,000 a year -- that would mean they would keep about $2000 that would otherwise be paid to the government.
Gohmert would like to hold the holiday in January or February of next year. It would cost approximately $332 billion, still cheaper than using the rest of the bailout money for a bailout.
The cost of the twelve days of Christmas (that is, the price of a partridge in a pear tree, two turtle doves, three french hens, etc.) is $21,080, according to calculations by PNC Wealth Management. That's up 8.1 percent from 2007. Buying the goods online would cost $31,957, mainly due to shipping costs. (Buying everything in all the verses—12 partridges and pear trees, 22 turtle doves, 30 french hens, etc.—will run you over $86,000.)
The 78-item package of birds, rings, and people cost a mere $12,000 in 1995, and the big factor driving it up (besides general inflation) is increased wages for skilled laborers. The price of swans-a-swimming evidently fluctuates wildly by year.
Not sure whether this package includes luxury taxes, payroll taxes, and use taxes for goods purchased via the Internet.
Florida Rep. Jim Waldman (D-Coconut Creek) is seeking to raise the state's cigarette tax by $1 per pack, to $1.339. Tax Foundation Chief Economist Patrick Fleenor explains why such a tax is probably far beyond any externality imposed by cigarette smokers, and is essentially a way to stick a disfavored group with punitive taxes.
What is especially disturbing about Rep. Waldman's proposal is that he is calling it a "user fee." Government-imposed charges on cigarette purchases are taxes, not fees. ATR notes that Gov. Charlie Crist has played the same game. Waldman expresses ambivalence about the tax/fee distinction:
To me, it doesn't really matter. A tax is a tax, a user fee is a tax. It's the same thing. They like to hide behind the semantics. I choose not to. I'm calling it a user fee only because I have spoken to my Republican colleagues who said they would support it if it was called a user fee.
It does matter, in two respects. First, because the American antipathy to taxes is so deeply rooted in our nation's history, lawmakers often seek to raise revenue in ways to avoid the "tax hiker" label even it requires calling an obvious tax a "fee." That's what's happening here. These shell games undermine transparency by making it harder for citizens to understand the cost of government, and it can encourage them to demand more government services than they are actually willing to pay for. That, over time, can undermine fiscal stability and neutrality.
Second, Florida courts would reject out-of-hand Rep. Waldman's claim that it doesn't matter. Florida's Constitution allows local authorities to impose fees but not taxes, and a series of court decisions have drawn a careful line between the two in order to enforce this provision. See Fla. Const. art. 7, § 1(a) ("All other forms of taxation shall be preempted to the state except as provided by general law."); Alachua County v. State, 737 So.2d 1065, 1067 (Fla. 1999) ("The Florida Constitution preempts to the State all forms of taxation except ad valorem taxes and those authorized by general law."). Florida court rulings have looked at two factors:
- First, one must ask whether the charge is "bargained for [or] unilaterally imposed." Florida Power Corp. v. City of Winter Park, 887 So.2d 1237, 1240 (Fla. 2004).
- See also Alachua County, 737 So.2d at 1068-69 ("Clearly, Alachua County conferred nothing to the utilities and there was no bargained-for exchange upon which a franchise could be found; rather, Alachua County has attempted to impose a forced charge on the utilities. Thus the trial court properly ruled that the Privilege Fee is not a franchise fee.");
- Town of Belleair v. Florida Power Corp., 897 So.2d 1261, 1261 (Fla. 2005) ("[C]ontinued imposition of the franchise fee without the support of the underlying agreement constituted an illegal tax....");
- State ex rel. Gulfstream Park Racing Ass'n v. Florida Racing Comm'n, 70 So.2d 375, 379 (Fla. 1953) ("In common parlance a tax is a forced charge or imposition, it operates whether we like it or not and in no sense depends on the will or contract of the one on whom it is imposed.").
- Second, one must ask what the purpose of the charge is.
- If the charge is not "reasonably related to the government's cost of regulation or the rental value of the occupied land," Florida Power Corp., 887 So.2d at 1241, it cannot be considered a fee.
- See also Jacksonville Port Authority v. Alamo Rent-A-Car, Inc., 600 So.2d 1159, 1164 (Fla. App. 1992) (stating that a fee cannot be "a general revenue source for the support of a sovereign government").
- The second point—whether the revenue is used for general spending instead of a narrow group of beneficiaries—is generally considered the essential inquiry by most courts in the United States. Here's a quick list of relevant cases:
- See, e.g., Safety Net for Abused Persons v. Segura, 692 So.2d 1038, 1041 (La. 1997) ("[A] tax is a charge that is unrelated to or materially exceeds the special benefits conferred upon those assessed.");
- Chicago and Nw. Transp. Co. v. Webster Co. Bd. of Supervisors, 71 F.3d 265, 267 (8th Cir. 1995) ("[A] government levy is a tax if it raises revenue to spend for the general public welfare.");
- San Juan Cellular Tel. Co. v. Pub. Serv. Comm'n of Puerto Rico, 967 F.2d 683, 685 (1st Cir. 1992) ("The classic ‘tax' is imposed by a legislature upon many, or all citizens. It raises money, contributed to the general fund, and spent for the benefit of the community.");
- Brock v. WMATA, 796 F.2d 481, 488 (D.C. Cir. 1986) ("A levy is properly defined as a ‘tax' . . . when its principal purpose is to raise revenues.");
- Roger D. Colton & Michael F. Sheehan, Raising Local Government Revenue Through Utility Franchise Charges: If the Fee Fits, Foot It, 21 Urb. Law. 55, 63 (1989) ("If the primary intent is to raise revenues, a measure is more likely to be considered a ‘tax.' If the level of the fee is totally divorced from any cost-basis, it is more likely to be deemed a ‘tax.'").
A $1 per pack government charge imposed on cigarette sales is both unilaterally imposed without bargaining and is used for the general fund not for regulatory purposes or to provide a service. Therefore, it's a tax. So, Rep. Waldman, it's more than just semantics. Referring to a government-imposed charge on cigarette sales as a "fee" instead of a "tax" undermines the transparency and long-term stability of Florida's tax system and comes into conflict with Florida case law.
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